2023 DSA Convention Resolutions: A Comprehensive Budgetary and Operational Guide
Delegates can’t afford to miss this DSA Observer report

We are less than a week away from the biennial National DSA Convention on August 3rd. To navigate the extensive Convention Compendium, a comprehensive 347-page document, I have collaborated with dedicated comrades to create the attached guide to the Resolutions. This is a detailed crib sheet of everything to be debated at convention, with my thoughts on the financial, operational, and democratic implications of these resolutions. There have been some time constraints in putting this together, so please forgive any incorrect statements or brevity in analysis. You are welcome to download, copy or use this sheet for your convention use, even if you disagree with my recommended votes in column I. If you disagree with my conclusions therein, I hope it helps you to have a more positive and intentional Convention.
You can find the Crib Sheet here!
As we've discussed before, this Convention will be the second in the post-Bernie reinvention of the DSA. It's essential to recognize that we no longer have the tailwinds of a larger national campaign to boost membership and socialist appeal. Therefore, the decisions made during this Convention will have a binding effect on the organization's priorities and resource allocation. Among all the decisions made at the convention, few are more critical than those that impact our financial resources.
Our recent financial analysis of the organization revealed concerning trends regarding membership and income. Despite facing declines in membership and income during 2022, DSA surprisingly managed to grow its reserves due to slowness and difficulties in filling open staff positions (eight at present). However, we must be vigilant about the serious short-term financial health of the organization. While we are not in an emergency and have every ability to bring the organization on a more stable long-term financial path, the current fiscal trajectory puts the DSA at a very real, albeit avoidable, risk of insolvency within the next few years. There is another potential looming drop of members with the two year anniversary of DSA 100k. This financial challenge makes the decisions made at the convention, particularly those by elected national leaders, crucial in steering us away from illiquidity or retrenchment. To be able to carry out the basic functions of DSA as a national organization, it is integral that Convention recognizes the looming fiscal crisis and elects leaders and supports resolutions that would go to preventing it. DSA’s work is far too important to be hamstrung by an avoidable budgetary crisis.
Let's delve into some specific financial figures. Looking at the 2023 budget passed by the NPC, we encountered some concerns. The budget projected a net deficit of $1.7 million, and dues income was already $100,000 under projections as of May 2023. The Budget & Finance Committee recommended, echoed in the Convention Compendium introduction, that we will need to reign in spending and engage in significant fundraising to keep DSA on a “secure longer term trajectory”.
The combined costs in the Resolutions and constitutional changes would cost the organization an estimated $3.5 million, $2.1 million of which are direct costs. There would also be significant additional staff required given the current staff workload, which is already unsustainable. My own slightly adjusted numbers have it closer to $2,044,423. Major costs broken down:
$732,541 proposed in additional staff time (DSA is already on a partial staff hiring freeze because of financial concerns)
$471,723 in direct stipends to the NPC and SC
$446,280 in reserves (required so that the organization has six months of operating costs based on added spending)
$211,399 in other direct costs
$187,100 in non-NPC stipends
$95,380 in stipends for travel expenses proposed in different resolutions
A good amount of the staff costs will be accounted for in the budget for our current staff salaries. But, these resolutions mandate more staff hours than is possible with our current staff. This is plainly more than we can afford. It gives me no pleasure to be a perpetual killjoy of good work or to deprive a dedicated organizer of compensation for their labor. But, we have some difficult decisions to make. Otherwise, we will be in the same position following the 2021 Convention, where our organization will be without clear direction or mandate. Worse, we risk seeing substantial reductions in the dues share to chapters to cover the national costs, which the NPC can approve at any time without convention mandate.
I also have written some thoughts regarding these resolutions, with a focus on structural reform proposals. I appreciate the hard work and thoughtfulness of everyone putting forward reforms. Still, unfortunately I believe that the following resolutions are counterproductive to the issues they are trying to address, will take more resources (financial and staff time) than the organization can support, and potentially move the organization to see itself structured like an NGO. Unlike an NGO, DSA is not the type of organization that can or wants to seek the support of a small pool of big dollar donors. DSA is unique as a non-labor political organization since it is supported predominately through its members' dues. This structure is a good thing for the socialist movement in a neoliberal world, and we should not put ourselves in a position to jeopardize it.
Resolutions I feel are crucial to vote NO on are:
Member-Submitted Resolution #1: Accountable National Commissions
This resolution could lead a shift of the organization to an NGO model with powerful mega-committees, ultimately reducing grassroots involvement in decision-making. The resolution will force neglected national working groups, which have struggled to access funding and resources, to justify their existence. Moreover, I am doubtful about the unproven efficacy of the commission-based model and the logistical burden of re-authorizing every national body at each Convention.
C/B Change #1: Democratize DSA 2023
I believe that the costs and administrative burden of this CB are vastly underestimated. Administering a 51 member body is exponentially more complicated (cost and staff time) than a 17 member body and would be an administrative quagmire. This will be a staff time sink and add over $200,000 to the current budget with the additional Steering Committee members.
I also doubt it will solve the problems it hopes to address: The problem lies not in the number of political decision-makers but in the lack of mid-level structures to which the NPC can delegate its work. Building stronger and more widely adopted coordination and communication channels is also a prerequisite for a successful implementation.
I have concerns it could be counter-productive to the problems it is trying to solve. It could become more challenging for all members to actively participate and influence decisions. Doubts whether a larger NPC would attract a more diverse pool of experienced leaders, and could replicate the same problems as the current NPC, just on a larger scale. This NPC election is much more competitive and will come out with an actual mandate from members, which did not happen in 2021.
I also worry this could lead to brain drain from our chapters. We do not have a deep enough leadership pool to support this without it draining our chapters of their most experienced leaders.
Alternative Solutions could more effectively address the issues and are already available under our Constitution: National Advisory Counsel (in Constitution, never attempted), National Volunteer Corps, more transparency and robust comms structures. And, the Democracy Commission may have more robust alternatives in two years.
NPC Recommendation #5: Conforming Constitution/Bylaws to DSA Practice and Chapter Pipeline Recommendations
Numerous constitutional changes raise concerns about reduced democracy. It expands the NPC's executive session criteria, removes rights for members in good standing, and eliminates National Advisory Council. I oppose many of these moves, and they deserve individual consideration at the very least.
NPC Recommendation #1: For Full-Time Political Leadership in DSA
We absolutely cannot afford it without major cuts in other places.
Member-Submitted Resolution #3: Resolution on Full-time National Chairs
We absolutely cannot afford it without major cuts in other places.
Member-Submitted Resolution Amendment B: Amendment for National, Electoral, and Labor Chairs
We absolutely cannot afford it without severe cuts in other places, worse.
Consensus Resolution #2: Green New Deal Campaign Commission: 2023 Green New Deal Campaign Commission Priority Resolution
The GNDCC has cycled through multiple national campaigns over the past few years (PRO Act, Green New Deal for Public Schools, and Green New Slate). Significant resources have been dedicated to GNDCC campaigns, including money, staff time, and chapter capacity. There is no evidence that any national GNDCC campaign has had any significant success in achieving its objectives or developing DSA. (While the PRO Act campaign was in the 2021 GND Campaign convention report, the campaign did not conclude until after the 2021 convention. It is very unfortunate that the 2023 GNDCC convention report does not include a final post-mortem reflection on the PRO Act campaign for all delegates to read.)
The campaign in the consensus resolution is composed of disparate strategies and methods that often do not overlap with each other. Much of this work would be more efficiently carried through the relevant and already existing committees in the DSLC, Housing Justice Commission, and NEC. The costs and assignment of a full time staffer during the current financial situation is not justified given the work, goals and broadly drawn strategy outlined in this resolution.
While electoral and labor make sense as evergreen priorities (they are terrains containing tactics and strategies to support myriad organizing topics), GND is an organizing subject among many that DSA takes part in and its scope has expanded so largely for the distinction to be nearly meaningless.
Shane K. is an at large member of DSA. They served two terms as Treasurer for Metro DC DSA, and sits on the national Growth & Development Steering Committee.
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